Today, non-state actors are playing an increasingly important role in public diplomacy, including corporations and non-governmental organizations. The article examines the experience of the Russian Federation in the formation of a new public diplomacy implemented through non-governmental organizations in relation to young Russian compatriots living abroad. The article considers the results of a questionnaire survey of Russian young compatriots (n=2042 people) living in 54 foreign countries, and 31 interviews with experts from 16 foreign countries. It is established that, despite the expansion of the activities of Russian NGOs in the field of public diplomacy, the effectiveness of their support for young Russian compatriots remains not high: low coverage of the events and their low recognition. The analysis of expert assessments showed that there are large country differences in the performance of NGOs.

The radical left party Podemos stormed into the Spanish political realm and sparked interest far beyond the country’s borders. Having emerged as a political party in 2014, Podemos was able to earn more than 20 percent of the votes in the general elections already in 2015; previously, it had demonstrated unexpected success in the European Parliament elections. The foundation for Podemos’ achievements, among others, were: the economic and political situation in Spain (the financial crisis followed by the mass protests), its effective processing of other countries’ political experiences (especially, the Latin American countries), and an effective communication strategy coupled by the use of populist discourse, which appealed to the broader population. After winning the elections in 2015-2016, the party’s influence started to diminish. By 2021, we have to admit that Podemos did not occupy those dominant positions that its leaders P. Iglesias and I. Errejon aspired to when the party was founded. The party was weakened, on the one hand, by its centralization, the softening of its political demands, and disagreements between the leaders. In addition, its populist discourse forced Podemos to compete not only with the Social Democrats but also with other political parties.

The article is devoted to solving the problem of studying and preserving the historical memory of students.The subject of the analysis is the best practices of teacher mentoring in rural schools of AltaiKrai and theAltai Republic. The article, based on the use of the content analysis method of mentoring practices, identifies the typologies of mentoring work in educational institutions, shows the possibilities of improving and developing the professional qualities and competencies of a teacher as the main subject of the process of preserving the historical memory of schoolchildren. As a result of the conducted sociological research, current and promising directions, and forms of mentoring for the preservation of historical memory are proposed. The author pays special attention to the need to use and improve the practice of mentoring as a part of the network interaction of a pedagogical university with comprehensive schools in the region.

Difficulties of social and labor adaptation and employment, faced by graduates of schools and boarding schools for children with disabilities, actualize the need for sociological and socio-pedagogical research. The primary analysis of the data carried out by the authors in April-May 2021 of a questionnaire survey of teachers, specialists and heads of schools, boarding schools in Tatarstan for children with disabilities, showed that the growth rate of the number of students with disabilities exceeds the possibilities of their high-quality education, social labor adaptation and subsequent support within the framework of the system of specialized schools and boarding schools existing in the Republic of Tatarstan. Also relevant is the problem of insufficient elaboration of the legislative framework, which does not protect the rights of the majority of graduates with disabilities who do not have the status of "disabled".

Peculiarities of the language situation in the Republic of Tatarstan and the Udmurt Republic are revealed in a comparative perspective. The study is based on the materials of semi-formal interviews with public opinion leaders (media workers and cultural figures, activists of public organizations), conducted in the summer of 2021 (16 respondents), all-Russia population censuses of 2002, 2010 and micro-census of 2015, as well as information from Rosstat and republican ministries of education. Specificity is reflected both in economic and demographic processes, the degree of attractiveness of the region, and the content of language policy, the number and the share of persons of the titular nationality as native speakers, in the native language proficiency and its use in everyday life, the learning their native language at school and teaching in the titular language. Common features include, on the one hand, an increase in the level of proficiency in the national Russian language, an increase in the proportion of people of the titular nationality who consider it their native language and choose it for study at school, and on the other hand, a decrease in the number of native speakers among the titular nationality, the number of schools with teaching of the titular languages and in the languages of the peoples of the Volga region, despite the revival of interest in the original local culture.